Malians are called to the polls on Sunday, June 18, to approve or not a new Constitution submitted by the junta to a referendum that is contested by a motley opposition and that persistent insecurity compromises in many regions.
This vote is the first organized by the colonels since they took by force, in August 2020, the head of this country plunged into a deep multifaceted, security, political and economic crisis. It is a salient milestone on the path that is supposed to lead to the return of civilians to the leadership of affairs in March 2024, by virtue of the commitments made by the military themselves. Less than nine months before the announced term, strong uncertainties remain, including the place that will occupy the current number one, Colonel Assimi Goïta, and the soldiers in the Mali of tomorrow.
Malians will decide on Sunday from 8 a.m. on the constitutional project using green ballots for yes, red for no. Results are expected within seventy-two hours. The authorities have invested a great deal in favor of this reform which should make up for the shortcomings of the 1992 Constitution, readily designated as a factor in the bankruptcy of the State in the face of the multitude of crises: jihadist expansion, poverty, ruin of infrastructure or school dilapidation.
The Mantra of “Sovereignty”
The proposed Constitution gives pride of place to the armed forces. It highlights “sovereignty”, the mantra of the junta since its advent and then the break with the former French dominant power, as well as the fight against corruption, associated with the old regime. It legitimizes traditional authorities and enhances the status of multiple national languages. It creates a Senate.
It distinguishes itself above all by strengthening the powers of the president. It provides for amnesty for perpetrators of coups prior to its promulgation and fuels persistent speculation about a possible presidential candidacy of Colonel Goïta, despite initial commitments by the colonels not to run.
The reform crystallizes the opposition of a heterogeneous bloc. Influential religious organizations oppose the maintenance of secularism. In the north, the former rebels, who, unlike the jihadists, have signed an important peace agreement with the state, are also denouncing the terms of the Constitution and risk preventing the vote in their stronghold of Kidal.
Part of the political class takes a dim view of the strengthening of the executive. “We have seen a personalization of power, a cult of personality. However, if a new Constitution is put in place, it must redress these excesses, balance the powers instead of concentrating them in the hands of the only president”, denounces Sidi Touré, spokesperson for the Party for National Renaissance (Parena): “Mali has more pressing challenges, we need to bring Malians together for the war on terrorism, for the war on poverty. »
“Generally, Malians don’t vote”
“The draft Constitution was made by the Malians”, defended the head of the junta, Tuesday, during a campaign rally, assuring that the text was “the result of a consensual work of all sensitivities “. A researcher speaking on condition of anonymity – like many interlocutors now – argues that the old Constitution has a good back: “The problem with the 1992 Constitution is that it was never really applied. It cannot be the cause of the crisis. »
Beyond the legitimacy of the text, that of the ballot is debated. Voters could be prevented from voting in several regions plagued by insecurity, notably in the center and the north, where jihadist groups continue to carry out bloody attacks against civilians and the military. Turnout is expected to be low. “Globally, Malians do not vote. Since 1992, we have rarely exceeded 30% participation, ”recalls Abdoul Sogodogo, a specialist in political science.
Observers take the “yes” victory for granted. “Malians tell themselves that presidents from democratic regimes have not necessarily shone. Corruption has reached a certain level. People want to see something else,” says Brema Ely Dicko, a sociologist at the University of Bamako. Proponents of reform are betting on the strong popularity attributed to Colonel Goïta and the so-called transitional authorities. “Some actors present this referendum as support for the transition, which means that the debate on the content is obscured”, underlines Abdoul Sogodogo.