In case of Federal Office for Migration and Refugees (BAMF) It behaves like peeling of an onion: layer by layer is penetrated from outside to inside, and each layer drives one more tears into eyes. The bamf is not only in reputation of being Germany’s most dangerous authority at moment, it may soon have to be renamed Federal Office for Merkel’s refugee problem because scandal has now also reached chancellery.
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It is obvious that first layer – copy of tampered Asylum notices in Bremen branch office – is only surface. A few dozen dubious applicants have slipped through mesh; One suspects that more will come to light.
The second, underlying layer concerns elite of German economy. At height of wave of refugees, federal government commissioned McKinsey, Ernst Young and Kienbaum to reorganise asylum procedures. The controllers have been at work for almost three years now, about 55 million euros are available for this. The best thing you can say about m is that y are just as overwhelmed as officials are, only much, much better paid.
The bamf was central authority. This was Angela Merkel’s promise
The third layer encompasses Ministry of Interior, in which responsible Secretary of State managed to withhold an explosive damage report from his minister Horst Seehofer. Seehofer’s people are responsible for overseeing bamf, but y act as if y were only driving on sight without looking through what is going on in authority.
The core of this affair, however, concerns Chancellery. The Federal Chancellor decided short-term opening of borders in autumn 2015 rar lonely, followed by decision to appoint her n Chancellor chief Peter Altmaier as coordinator of refugee policy. Merkel had realised that management of consequences could decide on good and woe of ir chancellorship.
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Her famous phrase “We create this” worked in two directions. The “we” focused on company, a passionate appeal to Germans to meet challenge equally generous and gripping. On or, it was also an insurance of a head of state, who vouched for her apparatus: we, government and its authorities, create this. One million migrants would drive country to its limit, but not beyond. The German administrative apparatus, known for its emotion-free efficiency, would bucking and Zuckeln. But he would master situation. The bamf was not one, but central authority. This was (and is) Merkel’s promise.
Every day country is learning a little bit more, how difficult and partially bad implementation is: that bamf is not a well-oiled authority; That Ministry of Interior does not have a plan, but only a national Gefühlig Daherredenden minister; That chancellery does not want to know much more about its leadership in refugee policy.
This article comes from time No. 24/2018. Here you can read entire output.
Therefore, parts of SPD and CDU, Greens and Left Party, are mistaken if y think one can discuss misconduct in one, two or three special sessions of Interior Committee.
The implementation of one of great political decisions of this period, with a part of multiple failures visible in Bremen but inseparably linked to chancellor’s office, is to be worked out. A committee of inquiry would not be re to settle Chancellor’s decision to put people in distress in country – but probably with way government was doing consequences.
At same time, Committee would have to take opportunity to communicate with AfD about what it is all about: how this country deals with migrants in a humane, socially compatible and right-wing manner, without falling into hysteria .
The joyfully celebrated details, which now seep through day after day, combined with feeling nourished by right-wing populists, that something should be hushed up, AfD in any case play more in hands than an honest enlightenment. The Germans forgive Merkel a lot, even admission of mistakes. But y have a fine sense of when Chancellor is trying to wegzuschweigen defiantly.
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