Beyond the “universal inheritance” of 20,000 euros that every young person would receive when they turn 18, housing policies to limit the purchase of flats in large cities if it is not to live or the “new territorial contract” to accommodate the “plurinationality” of Spain, the master lines of Yolanda Díaz’s political project contain many other important proposals in the 35 documents already public and prepared by a thousand professionals and activists. They are the framework of the future electoral program of Sumar. However, there are still more months to be considered definitive, since a participatory process has been opened so that supporters can make contributions. This phase will last until the end of the summer, when the final version of the “country project for the next decade” that Díaz will lead in the elections will be published.

This area, coordinated by Professor Ignacio Sánchez Cuenca, one of Zapatero’s intellectual references, proposes “reducing the power of the parties” to avoid the “partisan colonization of the institutions.” It is committed to dismantling its “invasive” role in spaces such as the CIS, Correos, Paradores Nacionales or the National Library, which must be politically neutral. It also proposes reducing political influence in the election of the General Council of the Judiciary (CGPJ), the Constitutional Court, the Court of Accounts and the Ombudsman. He advocates establishing a system of appointments based on “plural and impartial appointments commissions”, in which the Government or Congress does participate but which also, and would be the great novelty, includes “special bodies of the administration” and “members of civil society related to the type of position”. A mixed system would be born, since the document states that the “alternative” to partisanship “cannot be corporatism.”

The text proposes “experimenting new ways of doing politics” to give citizens participation, with a striking proposal: creating citizen assemblies by lottery. They would promote debates and measures on different issues. Something like institutionalizing the circles of the first Podemos. The example of success would be Ireland, where in 2016 the abortion conflict could thus be “unblocked”. The proposals of these citizen assemblies would not be binding -since they do not have a representative legitimacy- but they could be attended by the public powers or submitted to a referendum. It is proposed for the municipal, regional and national level.

In the document coordinated by Fernando Salinas, former magistrate of the TS and vice president of the CGPJ, it is proposed that in that governing body of judges the members automatically cease in “a short period of time” when their mandate has expired. In this way, it would be forced to start its renewal, his emphasis, and a blockade like the current one would be avoided.

Another controversial issue is also addressed this legislature: the pardon. There is talk of a “review” of this figure and the drafting of a new law “reinforcing the requirement of public interest in its concession.” That interest was used by Sánchez to get those convicted of the process out of prison.

Finally, it is proposed to “promote restorative justice” so that it has a positive impact on the victim or society, so that imprisonment or a fine can even be replaced “by the obligation to do community work of a social nature or by the obligation to care for victims of similar crimes.”

One of the big proposals is the reduction of the weekly working day to 32 hours “in general”. It is justified by the need to adapt work to care tasks and favor the reconciliation of personal and family life. This proposal, which Íñigo Errejón already put on the table, gave rise to an agreement with Díaz to launch a pilot program financed by the Ministry of Labor to test the four-day working day in SMEs.

It is committed to “repealing” the reviewable permanent prison. Also for “reopening the debate on the decriminalization of certain drugs” to be able to reinvest police and economic resources in other areas. There are measures on police forces. One of the most prominent is to regulate the use of personal cameras, so that there is a “reliable record” of police interactions with citizens.

It is proposed to lower the voting age to 16 years. A tool to facilitate participation in the future. It is proposed to “begin” to test this measure “in European and/or municipal elections”.

It is requested “to establish for each type of family unit a vital energy minimum that has a reduced cost or, even, zero if its state is vulnerable”. And in parallel, a drastic plan to limit fuel. By 2025, it is proposed to prohibit the use of diesel vehicles in low emission zones in municipalities with more than 50,000 inhabitants. In 2030 that veto would reach gasoline. In the Sustainable Mobility document, the increase in taxes on diesel and gasoline is already proposed and, in addition, tolls for the use of highways or even to move within the “big cities” where there is a metro. These tolls would be paid “depending on the rent, use and motorization of the vehicle.”

In the economic document, a “progressive tax reform” is pointed out so that large companies and wealth and capital income “contribute more”. It establishes three lines: personal income tax, corporate tax and taxing wealth. Regarding personal income tax, it proposes “disaggregating the tranche between 60,000 and 299,999 euros into several tranches with the aim of applying different and increasing rates.” The marginal rates would be raised in the “higher” income brackets to promote “progressivity and increase collection”. Just as the rates and sections of capital income would also increase. Regarding corporate tax, it sets it at 15% “on the accounting profit regardless of the result of the declaration” and obliges “large companies -which take advantage of all deductions and tax regimes and do not enter anything or very little- to have at least a minimum contribution”. In any case, it is proposed to “review and cut” the deductions or exemptions.

Two ways: 1. Make the tax on large fortunes “permanent”, with a “minimum” in all autonomous regions and avoiding bonuses that reduce its impact. 2. Increase the collection capacity of the Inheritance and Donations tax with some minimums and tackling reductions, allowances and deductions. “It is about preventing the possible downward competition spiral from ending with the virtual disappearance of the tribute, at least in the transmission of wealth between direct family members.” «It is necessary, he remarks, «to recover the collecting capacity» of this tax.

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