In what is probably his most important speech to date, Federal President Kitt wants to deliver for a society that is fragmenting. “There are tougher years ahead of us, rough years,” says Steinmeier, pointing out ways in which the country could get through it. Putin’s war is by no means Steinmeier’s only concern.

Frank-Walter Steinmeier certainly did not expect that his second term would be easier than the first. However, he did not see that after the first years of the pandemic and the continuing existential problem of the climate crisis, another force would be pulling at the increasingly porous cohesion of Germans. February 24, Russia’s attack on Ukraine and all its consequences, together with the aforementioned crises, present Germany with a historic challenge. Or as Steinmeier put it this Friday in front of 120 guests at Bellevue Palace: “Today we are at a crossroads together for the first time in the history of a united Germany.” He prefers not to spell out what could happen if the country doesn’t pull itself together.

Steinmeier probably prepared this speech. He wants to be heard this Friday with his message, which should not be lost in another barrage of messages headed “Steinmeier appeals…”. Federal presidents almost always do that, which is why their appeals are less effective – especially among those who have long since lost all confidence in parliamentary democracy.

Steinmeier wants to prevent the number of these citizens from increasing; that even more people are taking to the streets against ‘the system’ and that the decomposing poison of the irreconcilable dispute continues to find its way – into society as a whole, into the families and into the private and professional relationships of 80 million unsettled Germans. So he appeals: “To be a citizen in times of crisis, to show resilience in the face of headwinds, that demands something from us.”

Steinmeier also says what exactly. But first he takes a position determination of where Germany stands in this war that has been going on in Ukraine for eight months. “Russia’s brutal war of aggression in Ukraine has reduced the European security order to rubble. In his imperial obsession, the Russian President has broken international law, challenged borders, committed land grabs. The Russian attack is an attack on all the lessons the world from two world wars.” Steinmeier, who has repeatedly been accused of his long-term efforts to establish a cooperative relationship with Russia, clarifies how he feels about the Russian dictator today: “In his imperial obsession, the Russian president broke international law, questioned borders, committed land grabs. “

The world is “on the way to a phase of confrontation,” says Steinmeier, and asks what that means for Germany? “There are tougher years ahead of us, rough years. The peace dividend has been consumed. An era against the wind is beginning for Germany.” Putin’s “attack on the law, on the principles of non-violence and inviolable borders” is also “an attack on everything that we Germans stand for.” The Federal Republic can therefore not be a third party in this conflict, as some are demanding. Steinmeier says: “Anyone who shrugs their shoulders and asks, ‘What does this war have to do with us here in Germany?’ are speaking irresponsibly and forgetting about history. We Germans cannot survive in Europe with this attitude. This attitude is wrong.”

Germany cannot remain inactive, which is why the sanctions are unavoidable for Europe, despite the high costs. Germany is doing its best to find diplomatic peace solutions. “But the truth is: in the face of evil, good will is not enough,” says Steinmeier. “Because nothing else are Russia’s brutal attacks in the last eight months: vile and inhuman.” A peace should not seal the land grab. “It would mean a reign of terror for many people in Ukraine if they were left to the arbitrariness and violence of their Russian occupiers.”

“Our country is not at war,” emphasizes Steinmeier, but this presents Germany with a “breaking test” because: “The headwind is blowing deep into our country.” He hears the people who doubt and despair about Germany’s foreign policy course, about sanctions and arms deliveries. Steinmeier, who at the beginning of his second term specifically recruited the East German journalist Cerstin Gammelin from the Süddeutsche Zeitung, repeatedly addresses the special perspective of people in the East. “I know that many people in our country feel connected to Russia and its people, and love Russian music and literature,” says Steinmeier. “But if we look at today’s Russia, then there is simply no room for old dreams. Our countries are against each other today.”

Steinmeier nevertheless appeals for understanding when doubts and concerns are particularly great in the East these days: “Many people in East Germany are experiencing what feels like a return to the 1990s, when security collapsed and livelihoods collapsed.” The crisis is hitting East Germans harder, “because even 32 years after reunification, the energy supply is more difficult, income is lower and savings are lower.” The Federal President emphasizes that he is aware of the major concerns in the East. “Strengthening what unites us means making sure today that the East doesn’t fall behind again.”

It’s a bit of a blood, sweat and tears speech, because Steinmeier ultimately appeals a lot. “One thing is clear: we will have to accept restrictions in the next few years. Most people have felt that for a long time.” The Germans would have to learn to be modest again. “That may sound like mockery in the ears of those who are already unable to make ends meet.” The everyday life of many people already consists of renunciation. Therefore, the strong middle class and the rich would have to do their part. If you like, you can read sympathy here for the latest SPD initiative for a one-time fee for the super-rich.

The energy price support envisaged by the federal government is correct and must now come quickly. But society as a whole is also challenged, says Steinmeier. “Resilient citizens distinguish between the necessary criticism of political decisions – and the general attack on our political system,” which goes back to Putin’s attempts to subvert. “Resilient citizens endure uncertainty and are not seduced by those who promise easy solutions.” It is important to maintain respect and reason, even if it is “really difficult”. “Only in this way can we effectively counteract the poison of populism and the danger of drifting apart.”

But drifting has long been underway and Steinmeier suspects that the debates about how to deal with the climate crisis will have an accelerating effect. In view of the existential threats, his generation had to rethink their habits. “Without the fight against climate change, everything is nothing.” He’s worried that the topic is taking too much of a back seat. “Climate change is not taking a break in Ukraine.” A new bloc confrontation, a two-part world is therefore not in the German interest. The effort for international cooperation is “not a question of style, it is a question of survival”.

But because talk of blood, sweat and tears should always point the way, Steinmeier also has a perspective: “In two years we want to be able to say that we have bottomed out economically. In five years we want to be able to say: not only Ukraine has asserted its sovereignty – we don’t have to be afraid of new wars in Europe either. We want to be able to say in ten years’ time: we kept this society together, we hooked the weak ones up and took them with us, and the majority has faith in democracy We want to be able to say in fifteen years: Despite war and crisis – we have ensured that future generations can also live a good life on our planet.”