The constant criticism of the Ukraine course and the recent electoral defeats of the SPD have not left the Chancellor indifferent: In the general debate, Olaf Scholz does not shy away from harsh words to present himself as a determined fighter against price pressure and the Russian war of aggression.
One piece of news in a general debate that is not exactly lacking in news stands out this Wednesday: the Chancellor is not above things, as he likes to pretend. On the contrary, some of what has been said and debated in this country in recent weeks has pissed him off. For example, the criticism of the planned delivery of the anti-aircraft gun tank Gepard to Ukraine. “I heard on the talk shows in this republic that it was said, ‘They don’t want that at all’. Here in the Bundestag, some also said that, very wisely,” says Scholz. “It was never right at any time.” And that’s not the only thing the Chancellor would like to correct on this day.
Olaf Scholz and the SPD have been on the defensive for weeks because doubts about Berlin’s determination to support Ukraine have been repeatedly expressed from within the ranks of their own coalition, from the opposition, the media and partner countries. At the same time, the SPD suffered painful defeats in the state elections in Schleswig-Holstein and especially in North Rhine-Westphalia. The party came to the conclusion that the war debate had overshadowed the concerns and needs of the people in the face of massive price increases. Scholz clearly wants to clear up both in the general debate.
He therefore opens the speech with the topic of inflation and enumerates once again what the federal government has done to relieve the burden on citizens – from the heating cost subsidy to the increased commuter allowance, the elimination of the EEG surcharge on the electricity bill, the child bonus and the energy money up to the nine-euro ticket. In addition, the reduction in fuel prices and relief for companies particularly affected by increases in energy prices. “Of course, that doesn’t solve the problem of rising prices,” says Scholz, announcing that he wants to “call together unions and employers’ associations for a concerted action.”
That sounds big, but remains vague for now. Scholz cites the wage agreements in the chemical industry as a model: noticeable one-off payments instead of large wage increases. In this way, companies should not be burdened more permanently and inflation should be additionally fueled – on the assumption that the previous fall in monetary value is due to temporary effects, such as the war in Ukraine, the supply chain problems resulting from the pandemic and the billions in government rescue packages around the world . “We need a targeted effort in a very unusual situation,” Scholz demands and warns: “Everyone will have to contribute.”
At the same time, planned social reforms such as citizen income and basic child security would be pushed ahead. In the Chancellery and in the Willy-Brandt-Haus, the impression has visibly strengthened that people need to be made more aware that the government is social-democratic and that more of the election promises of respect and justice need to reach the people. However, Scholz does not mention the concept of social climate money surprisingly presented by Social Affairs Minister Hubertus Heil at the weekend.
But the world situation does not mean that the SPD head of government could leave it at these domestic political issues. He still has to clarify something: “We help in a wide range of ways,” says Scholz about the German course in Ukraine. “That might also be noted.” So that this is also noted, Scholz has news in his luggage: The federal government has decided that Ukraine should receive the Iris-T air defense system. This is the most modern air defense system that Germany has. “By doing so, we are enabling Ukraine to protect an entire city from Russian air raids.” In addition, Germany will “deliver a state-of-the-art tracking radar” to Ukraine.
Scholz also lists the war material that Germany has already made available in addition to the planned delivery of 30 Gepard tanks and 12 self-propelled howitzers in 2000: more than 15 million rounds of ammunition, hundreds of thousands of hand grenades and 5,000 anti-tank mines. In addition, there would be extensive explosive material, machine guns and dozens of truckloads of material for countering drones, for example. It is the first time that Scholz has made this list personally. “To act as if the step we have now taken wasn’t particularly far-reaching is not okay and also not reasonable,” says Scholz about the paradigm shift of supplying German weapons to a country at war.
The ring exchange is also progressing. The evening before, it had become known that Germany would support the Greek army in return for Soviet-design infantry fighting vehicles to be transferred to Ukraine. Whether these are the Marder-type tanks offered by German industry remained open. Ukraine will also receive 20 T-72 tanks through the ring exchange with the Czech Republic.
How attentively the chancellor follows the criticism of his government is also clear elsewhere: “Putin must not and will not win this war,” Scholz repeats a sentence he often said. Ukraine must be successful in its defense. The fact that Scholz never says that Russia must lose the war has repeatedly left room for speculation about the chancellor’s intentions. Vladimir Putin “must not get away with his concept of conquering a country or parts of it with a brutal and military operation,” says Scholz now. “That is imperialism and we will not accept it in Europe.” After weeks of speculation that he had already secretly priced in Russian territorial gains for the sake of a peace solution, the Chancellor dismissed this accusation.
The speech was greeted with a lot of applause from its own ranks and a few heckling from the opposition factions. But one is silent with an almost petrified expression: Union faction leader Friedrich Merz. He used his opening speech, which began with Scholz, primarily to present the agreement on the special assets for the Bundeswehr as a success for the CDU and CSU. But he sharply attacked the Chancellor. Nothing substantial remained of the turning point announced on February 27: “Since then, everything you said has been evaporating and evaporating in the dark.”
Scholz is hesitant to deliver weapons, although traffic light and Union factions have asked him to do so. Scholz also harms Germany’s reputation with its allies. Merz asks why the chancellor is not calling for Russia to withdraw beyond the February 24 borders. “Is there a second agenda?” He asks why Scholz calls Putin for 80 minutes, but refuses to meet the Ukrainian speaker of the parliament when he comes to Berlin on Thursday. He demands a commitment from Scholz to the EU perspective of Ukraine and Moldova.
Merz also takes apart the high level of new debt, complains about the retention of the solidarity contribution for top earners and proposes reintroducing the same solos to finance the Bundeswehr instead of the debt-financed special fund. The government proposes additional spending on a weekly basis. “There is nothing but new debts that you seriously associate with the word turning point,” accuses the CDU chairman Scholz.
“What you have presented here are all questions. You have not presented anything sensible here,” replies Scholz. Merz never positions itself in terms of content “and if you do it, it will be embarrassing”. The reintroduction of the solo is “a strange idea”. Only the Ukrainians would have to decide on the future borders of Ukraine. And the special fund would not have been needed without the austerity measures of the CDU/CSU defense ministers. “Sometimes technical work is useful, Mr. Merz,” says Scholz.
The chancellor’s return carriage was particularly violent when Merz criticized heavy weapons that had not yet been delivered. “What else should heavy weapons be than the cheetah or the self-propelled howitzer?” Scholz asks the opposition leader. “But that’s just gibberish you’re saying.” Instead of “talking about it”, Scholz would probably have chosen a different word in a smaller group.
In fact, both weapon systems are not yet in Ukraine. Not all criticism of the chancellor is factually unfounded. Above all, the exchange of blows makes it clear how much Scholz resents the lack of recognition for his government’s achievements. When the much-announced material reaches Ukraine in the coming weeks, both sides – the federal government and its critics – will attribute it to their own efforts. The country whose existence is threatened by Russia should not care who has what share of the aid that has actually been provided – and many people in Germany may also do so.
