Six months before the general elections, including the presidential one in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, on December 20, the pre-electoral climate seems to be hardening after the opposition demonstrations at the end of May and especially the repression and arrests that followed. Beyond this internal political news, the country is also at a turning point on the security front, where conflicts in the east are crystallizing tensions with neighboring Rwanda, where the Congolese authorities have no pretty harsh words and mostly waiting to see sanctions taken if more red lines are crossed. A big thorn in the side of the French president, Emmanuel Macron, who is strongly committed to this file, on behalf of the international community, while France has in recent years strengthened its ties with the Rwanda of President Paul Kagame.

As Minister of Communication and Media, and spokesperson for the Congolese government, Patrick Muyaya is on all fronts, almost all the Head of State’s trips, most recently in Beijing where there was talk of rebalancing the cooperation with China, very present in the DRC in the mines. This former journalist has a lot to do to enlighten national and international opinion on the socio-political climate that the Central African giant is experiencing. Passing through Paris, he confided in Point Afrique.

Le Point Afrique: President Tshisekedi was on a state visit to China, where he was eagerly awaited on the thorny issue of the “contract of the century”. Concretely, what was negotiated?

Patrick Muyaya Katembwe: I would first like to clarify that President Tshisekedi’s state visit to China was not for the purpose of renegotiating Chinese contracts. Simply because the Congolese and Chinese governments never directly signed the said contract. A distinction must be made between what is being played out at the state level and what concerns the joint venture between the group of Chinese companies and the Congolese government, which was, in effect, based on an exchange of mines for infrastructure.

On this point, the General Inspectorate of Finance was clear: it is clear that the Chinese side did not fulfill all its responsibilities and that the conditions negotiated in this contract did not guarantee the interests of the Democratic Republic of Congo.

It has been many months since discussions have been held between the two parties to renegotiate the terms of the contract. At the level of the Congolese government, a strategic committee was created for this purpose and on May 20, in the Council of Ministers, the President of the Republic asked the strategic committee to begin, according to the roadmap which was established, the discussions and renegotiations with the Chinese side.

Finally, on the file of the Chinese group CMOC, an agreement was reached with Gécamines for a resumption of cobalt exports at the level of the Tenke Fungurume mine.

What concretely has your government obtained that could on the one hand reassure the Congolese on trade with China and on the other hand help to rebalance the relationship between your two states?

Our mission in China focused on the ways and means to be implemented for a strategic and comprehensive partnership with the Chinese government, not only in the field of mining, but also in industrialization, agriculture, digital, education, infrastructure and other sectors which have been the subject of several memoranda.

This state visit was clearly aimed at strengthening the diplomatic relationship between the two countries. And the Chinese President, Xi Jinping, has shown his interest in working with the DRC, particularly on the issues of strategic minerals, where China is willing, obviously with us, to design trilateral partnerships, that is to say say with a European or American company, for example, which would work with both the Chinese and us.

Beyond diplomatic matters, we also discussed the specific concerns of Congolese communities in China or those of Chinese communities in the DRC. We had time to review all aspects of the relationship and agreed to very quickly relaunch the joint commission, responsible for carrying out the various projects between our two countries.

The relationship between the DRC and China has been unbalanced by this so-called “deal of the century”, but it is already being revised. Now, what must be remembered is that through the framework that is being put in place, there will be commercial exchanges between the companies of our two countries and the principle retained that in the event of occurrence of disputes this is settled amicably in order to avoid going to arbitration or to court.

What guarantees do you provide in terms of governance and corruption in relation to these Chinese companies established in the DRC?

There are no particular guarantees to be made because, I remind you, we are, the Congolese party, at the initiative of the request. You can well imagine the difficulty for the Chinese side to recognize on the one hand that there were clauses which were not respected and on the other hand that there were obviously suspicions on the distribution benefits.

Today, the most important thing is that there is a roadmap that will allow things to be rebalanced. This document focuses mainly on technical, economic and legal aspects. The idea is, in the long term, to have balanced contracts that guarantee the interests of both parties.

What is the security situation in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo when, for almost three months, an East African force has been deployed on the ground?

The security situation remains worrying, it is coupled with a critical humanitarian situation, because of the Rwandan aggression which caused the displacement of more than a million compatriots, today distributed in camps under particularly difficult conditions.

We have, at the same time, launched the Luanda and Nairobi processes which mark the way to a way out of the crisis. The rest is a matter of political will. And that seems essential to me. Because I can confirm to you, in view of the latest information that we receive and which is documented, that Rwanda is still preparing to sow terror in the east of the DRC. According to the various intelligence service reports, the immediate outlook is not reassuring. But we think that the diplomatic deployment and all the measures put in place will be able to take the upper hand over the Rwandan desires, so that we can achieve the execution of the roadmap which provides for a ceasefire, the withdrawal, the demobilization and reintegration.

And, if it is not respected, do you call on the international community, in particular France, to take sanctions against Rwanda?

In Kinshasa, President Emmanuel Macron made public commitments.

Do you believe it?

For us, the question is not to believe it or not. President Macron has set conditions and, if they are not met, there will be sanctions. It will be up to him to estimate whether he should take sanctions. But the fact remains that, for us, the lasting solution can only come from ourselves. This is why we are working to build up our armed forces. We have adopted a programming law, we have put in place a defense policy which means that today we can look to the future with a little more optimism as regards the rise in power of our forces.

What about the future of this East African regional force?

We had problems with the East African force because they did not implement the mandate as agreed with the Congolese authorities. In reality, we observed difficulties in the Kenyan contingent, which led to the resignation of General Jeff Nyagah. From now on, we hope that things will move forward on the ground with the new commander. A meeting was recently held with the Chiefs of Staff, who agreed on a plan that will enable the application of the roadmap and also allow the regional force to fully assume its role for the return of the peace in this part of the country.

Does that mean they didn’t do the job? Can their term be extended?

There is talk of extending the three-month term from June 8 until September.

What if the Congolese Armed Forces are not ready?

The question is not whether the Congolese armed forces are ready or not, or when. The East African regional force has received a mission, and it must assume it according to the objectives that have been set by the Head of State.

How do you see the future of relations with Rwanda? Shouldn’t we, at some point, have a dialogue?

Indeed, we cannot remain in a position of antagonism in a definitive way. But, if we need to dialogue, certain conditions must be met, Rwanda must respect its part of the commitment.

That’s to say ?

Rwanda must stop supporting the M23, withdraw its troops from the DRC. This horizon is provided for in the framework of the roadmap, as is the relaunch of diplomatic discussions between the two countries, because we are not going to remain forever in this climate of tension and tension.

How did your two states come to this? We remember that at the beginning of President Tshisekedi’s mandate there was a rapprochement with President Kagame… What happened?

There was a real desire for recovery, at least from President Tshisekedi’s point of view. He believed that President Kagame could seize this opportunity because, you know, Rwandans and Congolese are peoples that you cannot separate, we have almost no natural border. So it is important that we, as politicians, ensure that we have created the conditions that allow our populations to go about and exchange. But, unfortunately, reality has caught up with us because President Kagame does not know how to live or build his country with a restored peace in eastern DRC. This is the main reason for the war, behind FDLR pretexts, etc. We, the Congolese, are tired of continuing to pay the price of the Rwandan genocide, because all the misfortunes that befell Rwanda have trickled down to the DRC since that time and we have found ourselves in a situation of chronic instability.

All misfortunes? Doesn’t the international community have its share of responsibility?

The international community obviously has its share of responsibility. As much as she got involved in supporting Rwanda in its process of rebirth, because genocide is cruel, we, the DRC, are entitled to think that our people who are bruised, our women who are raped have also need peace. The international community should ensure that this peace is restored.

These issues are crucial as the presidential election is due to take place in six months. How do you intend to reassure the Congolese about the electoral process?

The electoral process is piloted by the Ceni. It is therefore up to the Ceni to reinforce the confidence of the Congolese in the processes. We, as a government, also have our share of responsibility in terms of funding, security, etc.

What about transparency?

All these matters depend on the Ceni because the Ceni offices or the plenary assembly include the delegates of all the political structures, whether it is the opposition, the majority, the civil society, they are there to work together, and obviously also to monitor themselves. All these elements contribute to guaranteeing good conditions of transparency. There is a plan for the organization of elections, a process that everyone must be able to respect.

Will the Congolese be able to vote on time?

The government is working on it, even if the opponents are doing their best to sabotage the electoral process. Maybe because they already know they’re losers because they don’t have a plan. But the will of the Congolese is to vote for their leaders.

And security, how do you plan to ensure it?

We encountered several challenges and difficulties that resulted in some Congolese not enlisting in several parts of the country, such as Kwamouth, Masisi, Nyiragongo, Rutshuru and Maluku. For the rest, we will ensure that the elections will take place in serenity so that the Congolese are able to choose their leader again.

And how do you ensure this when opponents seem unable to campaign, or are threatened?

Since 2006, there has never been unanimity about participation in electoral processes in the DRC. Unfortunately, history repeats itself. The opponents are in their good role, but I still remind you that you have to respect the established framework. You cannot claim to be democrats and not respect the basic rules which allow the very organization of this democracy.

Does it induce the repression of protests?

No violence has a place in a democracy, although, speaking in terms of repression, we are perhaps doing better than France because police officers who have been identified as perpetrators in particular of violence against young minors have been arrested. And what about premeditated violence by opponents? Democratic demands are possible, but all this must take place within the rules and, above all, the recruitment of children must be avoided. Because at all times, everywhere the State must ensure that public order is respected.

In the global context of energy transition, the DRC could benefit from its strategic minerals. How do you intend to position yourself and above all not to repeat the mistakes of the past made with china in the mines?

It’s not just China, the Americans are also interested in strategic minerals, as well as Europe. There is a desire on our part to work with everyone, and in particular, our neighbour, Zambia, on the creation of a regional value chain, around minerals such as cobalt. But, instead of exporting everything, we have to see how to create factories locally that allow them to be given value before they are exported.

Are there any concrete plans already?

There is a concrete project on the production of batteries. We truly believe that this is a component that will allow us to play the role of solution country because, for us, it is not simply a question of being a supplier of strategic minerals for the batteries of others.