During the election campaign, the head of the post-fascist Fratelli d’Italia tried to stylize herself as a serious, conservative politician – especially for foreign countries. But in the end Georgia Meloni dropped the mask several times.
Italians are electing a new parliament this Sunday. Not only in Italy, but in the European Union as a whole, there is talk of an election of fate. For the first time in the history of the Italian Republic, a party could lead the government that has its roots in fascism: Giorgia Meloni, the leader of the far-right Fratelli d’Italia, has the best chance of becoming the new prime minister.
But who is Meloni really? And should she take the helm of government, in which direction would she lead Italy? Questions that are asked in Italy, but also in Brussels, Berlin, Paris and Washington.
During the two months of campaigning, Meloni tried to control her temper. She knows it’s both a blessing and a curse. Some love her and trust her precisely because she proclaims her message body and soul from the stage and booms into the microphone: “I am a woman, a mother, a Christian.” Others see it as confirmation of their authoritarian character traits. You could tell during the election campaign that she knows she is walking on slippery ice when she presents herself as a conservative, serious and competent politician who, of course, has nothing to do with fascism.
In mid-August, she posted a video message in English, French and Spanish, in which she announced: “The Italian right has condemned fascism, the robbery of democracy and the infamous anti-Jewish laws for decades. We also unequivocally condemn Nazism and communism, which today represents the only totalitarian ideology of the 20th century still in power in some states.” The message was clear: fascism no longer exists, worldwide and certainly not in Italy.
At every opportunity she referred to her role as president of the EU-sceptical party family “European Conservatives and Reformers”, assured that she was not against the EU, but only wanted to advocate that Brussels only committed itself to issues that affected the whole concern the Union, leaving everything else to the Member States. Your party has agreed to the delivery of arms to Ukraine and is 100 percent behind the North Atlantic Alliance.
She also tried to appear as a trustworthy politician in panel discussions, TV interviews and online debates. She maintains a casual style for her performances: jeans and T-shirts, long dresses and skirts. It cannot be ruled out that there is also a strategy behind it: the simpler its appearance, the more it gets heard. Her alliance partner Matteo Salvini, head of the equally radical right-wing Lega party, does things quite differently. Salvini never misses an opportunity to dress up. He appears in a police polo shirt or puts on a butcher’s apron. But Salvini is also a man – and so far has only made it to Deputy Prime Minister. When appearing with other politicians, she prefers a strict, sometimes almost old-fashioned outfit.
But the “post-fascist” label is too strong, and the international media continues to be suspicious of them. The Financial Times, for example, wrote: “The Italians and Brussels must hope that their comparatively moderate mask will not slip down.”
However, that happened during the election campaign: in the final spurt, the old Giorgia reappeared, who said in 2006 that she had “a relaxed relationship with fascism.” It may have been the tiredness, the pressure from the Italian and foreign media, this constant vigilance. The fact is that she broke free of the self-imposed reins and her announcements became increasingly aggressive. “No more fun,” she let the EU know. The left never defended Italy in Europe, but made it an appendage of Berlin and Paris. “But we want to be an equal member. Defend Italy’s interests,” she announced into the microphone, her arteries trembling. “Do you know why Berlin is against the gas price cap?” She asked her supporters in Milan. “Because it pays less for gas from Russia.”
In his last press conference, outgoing Prime Minister Mario Draghi warned the parties to choose the right partners in Europe. Meloni, buoyed by the electoral success of the right-wing populist Sweden Democrats, encouraged the Spanish far-right Vox party: “I hope that our victory will pave the way for the centre-right camp in Spain too.” As for Hungary, which the European Parliament stripped of its democratic status a week ago, Meloni backed her party’s MPs who voted against the decision. Brussels is using “the rule of law as an ideological weapon to hit those who are not in line,” she announced.
The British “Economist” shows a photo of Meloni in its current issue, along with the question: “Should Europe be worried?” Draghi has already given the answer: “We have a certain idea of ??Europe, we defend the rule of law. We stand with Germany and France. I don’t know what the next government will do.”
