Historical files rarely make headlines. Two exceptions confirm this rule: either allegedly important documents turn out to be forged – or the suspicion arises that sensitive papers are being withheld by the state. The latter happened again just before the 50th anniversary of the Palestinian terrorist attack on Israel’s Olympic team at the 1972 Summer Games in Munich.

Ankie Spitzer, widow of fencing trainer André Spitzer, who was murdered in the late evening of September 5, 1972, has now threatened to stay away from the planned ceremony. She gave the reason that on the one hand the federal government had only offered “tips” as compensation for the bereaved, on the other hand “tens of thousands of documents relating to the tragedy and its consequences” were still being kept secret. They contained “national security” secrets.

In view of the humanly understandable traumatization of the relatives and the ducking away of those responsible for the failure of the security authorities, which is highly criticizable at the time – there was not a single resignation because of the Munich catastrophe – one should best accept the first point: In this respect, the Federal Republic has truly done a lot wrong.

But what about the second point? Are mountains of documents on the assassination actually still being withheld from the German and international public? That’s what it said in the “Süddeutsche Zeitung” or the Israeli daily Haaretz. Those who devote themselves to the topic rub their eyes in amazement at how such claims can arise and be spread further.

Working in archives is not considered an important discipline in contemporary history research for nothing. You have to deal with tons of paper, sometimes tens of thousands of sheets. However, the relevant laws, the Federal Archives Act and the corresponding regulations of the federal states, have placed numerous hurdles in front of this inspection of files: First of all, the responsibilities have to be clarified, because this determines which files can be used in which archive.

Then you have to submit individual applications to each archive, for which you have to formulate precise research questions, because otherwise the archivists cannot identify the desired material and get it from the stacks. Due to a lack of staff, it is seldom if ever possible to copy entire stocks – it would also be really expensive, as each individual scan costs between 40 cents and 15 euros, depending on the archive and the effort involved.

What about the documents on the Munich Olympic attack? The most important holdings on September 5, 1972 are in the Munich State Archives, which are responsible for the police and judicial authorities of Upper Bavaria, and in the directly adjacent Main State Archives in Munich, which, among other things, stores the documents of the Bavarian state government, i.e. the ministries. Since the insidious attack on Israeli athletes naturally had a severe impact on the relationship between the Federal Republic and Israel, the documents in the political archive of the Foreign Office in Berlin must also be evaluated.

On the other hand, there is little to be found in the Federal Archives in Koblenz, which does keep the holdings of the German National Olympic Committee and accordingly the Organizing Committee of the Munich Games. Because the police were responsible for the security aspects and the specific events during the hostage-taking. The archive of the International Olympic Committee in Lausanne also contains little relevant material. On the other hand, research in the Stasi documents archive in Berlin proved to be helpful.

By far the most important files on the Olympic assassination are in the Munich State Archives. It consists of 14 thick files from the preliminary proceedings of the Munich I public prosecutor’s office against the two responsible persons of the municipal police at the time, police chief Manfred Schreiber and vice president Georg Wolf. The several thousand pages in this inventory contain 165 interrogations with eyewitnesses conducted by the special commission in September and October 1972, as well as a detailed, mostly to the minute, reconstruction of police actions, the autopsy findings of the eleven murdered Israelis and the one German police officer who was shot (as well as the five dead offender).

There are also various reports from forensics, expert opinions from the Forensic Institute, interrogations of the three surviving perpetrators, a 225-page final report dated December 28, 1972, and other documents. All this material has been usable for years without any problems. WELT evaluated these documents for the first time in 2012.

Also important are documents from Bavarian institutions in the Main State Archives, such as the State Chancellery, the State Ministry of the Interior, the State Criminal Police Office (however, these are mainly the same documents as in the State Archives in Munich) and two files from the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution. This material can also be used. In the same archive, in the estate of the then Minister of the Interior, Bruno Merk (CSU), there are his handwritten notes from September 5, 1972; they have also been accessible since at least 2012.

The diplomatic papers of the Federal Foreign Office can be viewed in full and, for the most part, are also published in the official edition “Files on Foreign Policy of the Federal Republic of Germany” and published digitally. Copies of hundreds of pages from the Stasi files on the attack, including a 203-page final report, are sent on request (and for a fee).

Previously forgotten documents from the Munich police headquarters have only been accessible since 2015, including around 50 files directly related to the hostage-taking: correspondence, investigation results, photo volumes, floor plans and the like. A single document from this stock was blocked until June 2022. It was released at the request of WELT.

Well over ten thousand sheets are easily accessible. Even experienced contemporary historians need several weeks to evaluate this material. But what is still inaccessible? There is an overview of this in an article that will appear shortly in the “News from the Bavarian State Archives”. It is therefore about eight volumes of files, some loose documents and a tape. According to the title of the file, four bundles from the years 1972 to 1994, which relate to “state security matters: Arab terrorists / attack in the Olympic Village”, are likely to be particularly relevant.

According to reports, the documents are related to the expulsion of around 330 Palestinian students from the entire Federal Republic. These files are not locked for “national security” reasons, but for privacy reasons: the personal information they contain must not be accessible until individuals are at least 10 years old (or at least 90 years old). 1972 young Palestinians will be between 70 and 80 years old today.

There are also individual documents that continue to be classified as confidential. At most, the statement would apply to them, which, however, does not exist in German law, that they remain blocked for reasons of “national security”. Then the question remains: What could be in such documents?

The Munich I public prosecutor’s office was also able to evaluate documents from the State Office for the Protection of the Constitution in their preliminary proceedings against Schreiber and Wolf in 1972/73. There are no significant gaps. It is also known what information the constitutional protection officers knew in advance about possible threats. There may be little more than a brief synopsis of the two calls that the terrorist leader, alias “Issa,” attempted to make with a contact in Tunis. The BND intercepted both calls (and in fact most of their files are still classified). But the man named “Talal” was denied – so the exact wording should not be very illuminating.

What remains? Anyone who speculates about “tens of thousands of documents” that are still being kept secret would do well to first evaluate the extensive material that is accessible. This takes time and requires contemporary historical competence. As a rule, relatives of victims cannot do this; But journalists should be able to do it – at least when they deal with topics like the Olympic assassination.

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