Western states are increasing military cooperation with Niger. That decision is correct, as the country is effectively one of the last bulwarks against jihadists and Russia’s growing influence in the region. But the concrete decisions must be made with foresight.
Germany and Western partners are expanding military cooperation with the West African state of Niger to prevent jihadists from entering from neighboring Mali. A step in the right direction: after France’s withdrawal from Mali, a country that was always in crisis, Niger is playing a key role in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel. But the increased commitment also harbors risks, since there is strong anti-French sentiment in Niger – as in Mali – and many Western troops and actors are already in the country.
Like Mali, Niger suffers from instability and weak statehood. Jihadists, who originally came from Mali, have already taken control of parts of the huge state – almost four times the size of Germany. As a result, the security situation is deteriorating outside of the capital, Niamey. With the withdrawal of the French army from northern Mali, which borders directly on Niger, new disasters are looming: the approximately 800-kilometer-long shared border runs through impassable desert and cannot be effectively controlled.
The Bundeswehr and other Western countries have therefore been supporting Niger’s armed forces in training for a long time. Around 200 special forces of the Bundeswehr are building an academy for special forces here as part of the Gazelle mission. Now the commitment is being expanded again: additional trainers are to come to Niger after the European Union has stopped training the Malian army as part of the EUTM mission. It was feared that the Malian troops were cooperating with mercenaries from the notorious Russian Wagner Group.
Niger offers itself as a partner because, unlike its Sahel neighbors Mali, Burkina Faso and Chad, the country still has a democratically elected government. Unlike in Mali, the Bundeswehr sees initial successes in the training of soldiers here. In addition, President Mohamed Bazoum is firmly on the side of the West and has clearly rejected military cooperation with Russia. Germany is therefore not alone in its commitment: around 1,000 French soldiers from an anti-terrorist unit are already in the country, the USA maintains a drone base and several European countries are training army units. The EU is also training the Nigerien police.
But the increased military involvement also harbors risks. In Niger, as in the entire Sahel region, there is strong anti-French sentiment. On the one hand, there are historical reasons for this, as France is the former colonial power. In addition, recent decisions have caused resentment: French officials rushed forward in the spring to announce a transfer of soldiers from Mali to Niger, before backtracking after an outcry from the opposition. Against this background, the stationing of further foreign troops is a sensitive issue.
It should also not be forgotten that Niger is a fragile country. Although Bazoum was the first democratically legitimized transfer of office, the state institutions are weak. Since independence in 1960 there have been numerous coups. Niger is also one of the poorest countries in the world with a rapidly growing population. At the same time, desertification is progressing due to the clearing of forests for firewood and the consequences of climate change. Now, with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, food and gasoline prices are threatening to explode. Up to a third of the population will depend on United Nations food aid this year.
The West tries to counteract these negative developments with various strategies: from military training and budget payments to all facets of development cooperation. There is a veritable gold-rush mood among NGOs, similar to South Sudan’s independence in 2011: Huge sums of money flowed into an impoverished country with few institutions to collect and implement the funds in a meaningful way. “There is a risk of doing too much here and overwhelming the country,” says a Western diplomat in Niamey. “In addition, there is little coordination between donors and NGOs. Neither really knows what the other is doing.”
It is right to support Niger in the current situation, including militarily. The country is effectively one of the last bulwarks against jihadists and Russia’s growing influence in the region. However, the Western partners must not forget to coordinate with each other and clarify in dialogue with Niamey what kind of help is really needed – and where “too much” is more harmful. President Bazoum is already under pressure because the opposition continues to oppose the deployment of more foreign troops. Decisions must therefore be made with foresight so as not to further endanger the country’s stability.
