The Civil Guard has sent the National Court the final report on Tsunami Democràtic, which it describes as “a platform that did not arise spontaneously, but was the result of a carefully planned strategy to protest against the ruling of the process trial” and that “served as a destabilizing element and political pressure through large-scale social mobilization.”

In the report sent to the Central Court of Instruction Number 6, to which EL MUNDO has had access, the judicial police highlights the key role of the ERC leader, Marta Rovira, who from the first moment showed her support for Tsunami Democràtic and had a prior knowledge “of, at least, certain actions of the platform.”

The Tsunami strategy and roadmap consisted of “the execution of large-scale actions that mobilized thousands of people and compromised the economic, social, business and institutional stability of Spain.” Considering the result of the actions carried out, it can be said that there was “a serious alteration of order and public peace in which there were moments in which the physical integrity of users of public roads was put at risk, as well as the freedom and the heritage of many citizens of Catalonia”, emphasizes the Armed Institute.

The Civil Guard explains that shortly after Tsunami Democràtic emerged “it received direct support from various and prominent figures on the Catalan political spectrum, and leading leaders of the independence movement, such as the former president of the Generalitat Carles Puigdemont or the former vice president of the Generalitat, Oriol Junqueras, who granted it a role “sufficient to act as a vehicular platform and official communication channel for the mobilizations.”

However, the report highlights that “the personality who most quickly” supported Tsunami was Rovira, who would have acted as a liaison between the platform and its alleged political leadership.

The agents identify Rovira with a user called ‘Matagalls’ who “carried out coordination tasks for the movement in relation to the search for institutional support and his political party.”

“Some characteristic aspects of the Matagalls user have been collected, such as that she responds to the name of Marta, who is in charge of gathering support from a corporation in which both Vendrell and she are active, which, in all likelihood, is ERC,” they add. .

Likewise, the report maintains that Matagalls “has participated in October 1 where he acted with abuse of position, that in October 2019 he also had to “abuse his position” to bless Tsunami Democtrátic before the organizations, which “He speaks with people from Lledoners (in reference to the prison where the 1-O leaders served their sentences) and refers to numerous surnames that coincide with ERC political figures.”

The agents state that Matagalls “has not only blessed Tsunami, but is also the person authorized to discuss and defend the Tsunami project before structures, entities and organizations, it is understood that from the pro-independence sphere, that could be against it.”

The report includes numerous references to Josep Lluís Alay, head of Puigdemont’s office and right-hand man of the former president. Alay has become one of the obstacles to the final investiture pact between the Government and Junts. He is involved in the Voloh case and Puigdemont demands that the amnesty also extend to him. In this investigation into the ties between the president’s entourage and Russia, Alay’s meetings with people close to the Kremlin have been detected.

The Civil Guard tapped his phone, which has offered Tsunami investigators a lot of information to clarify the operation of the platform. The terminal reflects that Alay was aware of the preparations to launch the massive protests. Others involved told him what they were preparing so that he, in turn, could transmit it to Puigdemont.

In one of the intercepted messages, the investigated Jesús Rodríguez Sellés, a key member of Tsunami, tells him: “On Monday, August 26, the profiles of the Tsunamic Democratic campaign will be announced in response to the Supreme Court ruling. I suppose that since Òmnium will report directly to President Puigdemont. I will inform you so that you have proof.”

At another time, Sellés explains that doubts have arisen in the Tsunami coordination group about the most appropriate date to launch the platform on the networks, “asking that he convey the doubt to the President.” Puigdemont’s agenda, which Alay manages, indicates that the matter was addressed, according to the Civil Guard.

The report also indicates that Alay brokered funds from a Swiss-based financier, Nicola Foglia, who was willing to give “a lot of money” to Tsunami. He was talking about 6,000 Swiss francs (6,200 euros).

Puigdemont’s right-hand man thanked him, as well as the coordinates of an account in Switzerland at CIM Banque Privée SA to which he could send the money. The account was in the name of Jaume Cabaní Massip, a Catalan computer scientist expert in cryptocurrencies. The Civil Guard had already investigated him and detected his visits to Puigdemont in Waterloo. His suspicions, which the report corroborates, were that he was in charge of financing the process.