I’m Not limited to the absurd, or political affiliation or loyalties non-combat group that often mask the inability or fear to think for oneself. Felipe González, in a congress of the socialist past by the far-off Transition, refused to occupy the General Secretariat of the party to feel disowned by the foundation when it came out defeated your idea of considering marxism as a source of ideological most of the socialist thought, in addition to other of different origins; in the intervention in that she was not going to be submitted to the General Secretariat, before the excitement repentant of the delegates gathered, he said: “I am a socialist before that a marxist!”. Many years later, in the campaign in which I presented myself as the candidate of the basque socialists to the Presidency of the basque Government, I repeated frequently a phrase brought in from that of Gonzalez: “I am a Spanish citizen before that socialist militant”. It was an attempt to establish categories of importance in my relationship with the company; first, and before any other condition, we are, I am Spanish citizen. It could have been French or british, senegalese or chinese-in the latter two cases, it would be chinese or senegalese; in any case, citizens-, but it turns out that I was born here and, by tato, I am a Spanish citizen (and in some cases very proud of it, others resigned themselves and always, inevitably).

And I believe that my citizenship is diminished when the political leaders act without due regard to a knowledge environment, such as the mine, of the public issues. So that step to exercise my status as a citizen. Pedro Sanchez triumphed in the motion of censure with the promise of holding an election as soon as you can normalizara? the situation. Today we know that behind as categorical and paradoxical affirmation, the support of several parties, probably, all arranged to bring down Rajoy, was conditional to the commitment of not holding an election.

therefore, Spanish citizens were sneaked out a crucial piece of information to feel co-responsible of the Spanish policy. They argued justifications on the podium of the Congress knowing that not only were not going to comply, but that the agreement was going very much against what was being done to the public. This contradiction moral -to say a thing knowing that it will do the opposite-, it is very bad for the confidence of citizens in Government and devastating for the trust of the citizens in the policy; that no one was surprised, therefore, if you are then there are expressions radical policies that have their basis in the discrediting of politicians.

Sanchez did not call elections, a decision that would have been prestigious, and hurried to draw up a Budget unlikely to provide an aspect of normality to a political reality as legitimate as extraordinary, out of the ordinary -was the possessor of a sufficient majority, in which is incorporated from Bildu to the Catalan independentists, to oust Rajoy of the Executive, but without the force and coherence sufficient to present a program of Government-. The triumph of the motion of censorship and the negotiation of a Budget impossible has given and has reinforced the centrality, the political legitimacy and respectability institutional in the Spanish policy a we Can, without the need to adapt to the constitutional reality. And Paul Churches have not lost the opportunity that the socialists have put her in tray, to be totally dependent upon the Government for their votes. In life nothing is free and less in politics, where typically charged errors of the contrary with great benefits. Churches have not visited to Junqueras and Urkullu only to negotiate Budgets. Have talked about how to extend the coalition everything they can in this legislature and to prolong it for the next. And this strategy contributes to everything granted by Sánchez -centrality and political legitimacy – and the discourse of the Government determined to survive on the basis of a social division until recently almost non-existent or much less deep than at present. We have passed or are passing from a plurality, perhaps a little too torn, to a division fertilized by mutual distrust, the aggressive language and the prevalence of insults and disqualifications about the confrontation of ideas.

One of the political objectives of the coalition that supports today the socialist Government is the challenge of the Transition from the 78, while the PSOE does not want to acknowledge it for fear of losing their precarious support. Two political factors are driving that strategy. One, the resurgence of Franco as the axis of the Spanish political current. I don’t doubt the honesty of the socialists who are uncomfortable with the current location of the remains of the dictator, but the update of this issue on the part of we Can have more transcendence. It tries to convert it to Franco, who died in his bed more than 40 years ago, in a connecting link on the one hand disparages the Constitution of the 78, and on the other we a to the idea a nostalgic and mythical of the Republic. You will be successful or not, this is still not what we know, and depends upon almost exclusively the PSOE, but the strategic line is launched. Do not clearly, only what they raise as a moral issue. Teach only the part of the maneuver that is not scared; confused, but behind these trompe l’oeil moral motivation is far-reaching and affect the entire democratic system.

The second base of action is evident: the direct attack to the head of State. Institutional statements of the Catalan Parliament and the Barcelona city Council are not a fluke caused by people more or less uncontrolled, or an initiative of those who a year ago passed it without becoming upset legality. It is a planned strategy to overcome the Constitution of 78. The independentistas know that in the constitutional framework it is impossible to independence, what they know before and better than us, and we was born with the will to overcome a Transition that is considered to be very defective. The King is not the objective, although it may seem so; the goal is to the Constitution. Felipe VI is a pretext for a regime change. They are at the very beginning, and the less smart people are not aware yet, but the mule is, this time literally, to the greater. The PSOE has opted for ambiguity: for example, recourse to the Constitutional Court, even with the contrary position of the Council of State, the declaration of the Catalan Parliament against the Head of the State, when the easier, more forceful, more effective, which would reduce almost to anecdote the resolution would be to break with those who drove and those who supported it… Blow and slurp it may not be. Another example are the Budgets. Tearing the garments for the tour of Pablo Iglesias with the formal justification, only formal, search for the support to the accounts of the State, but what is important is that for aprobar Budgets is required the acquiescence of the prisoners and the escapees catalans.

Being the reality as well and not like the feature, I think that the most reasonable solution, the us would consider the Spanish adult citizens with a reasonable ability to make proper decisions would be a general election. No personal ambition, no vision about the better future for Spain, any project that, today, it seems more clear between the cahoots in the Government, justifies not listening to the Spanish society.

During the Civil War, not a few socialists elected to the acronyms and spent his last years in exile, regretting not having said aloud what really happened on the republican side. I’ve always believed intimately that Prieto was one of them. I prefer those who, as Besteiro or Wenceslao Carrillo, they were willing to be wrong, or that the desprestigiaran -up the own son Wenceslas became a letter despicable against your father, and qualified in it to Besteiro of profascista – before you attend dumb to what was happening.

I End this article by stating, however, that the situation in which we are living is not inevitable, that we must not forget the infamous and resigned “oh, who cares what I do!”. Is in the hand of politicians, the media and the elites of Spanish, if they exist, to return to the great spaces of the Transition; rejecting extremism, ideological, memories resentful, or transformation of the adversary, the enemy. We again pose the crossroads, in the us today many countries of our environment, including the moderation, the waiver programs maximum of the political parties and to wander between extremes torn and vengeful. Today the conflict in the West face to those who defend democracy socialliberal, to push forward the reforms necessary for its maintenance in a world radically different from the one that led to its emergence, and with those who defend the etnicismos of diverse origin, extreme nationalist and nostalgic of revolutions always failed. In Spain, despite our flirty fatalism, we find ourselves in a similar situation: we uphold the success of the Transition , without fear of reforms that will strengthen the system, and those who consider that the Constitution of the 78 a corset for your goals of independence or ideological.

Nicolás Redondo Terreros is a member of the Editorial Board of THE WORLD.

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